Biculturism and Marginalization Essay Example for Free

Biculturism and Marginalization Essay * Ross-Sheriff (2011) commented that international migration patterns have * changed as a consequence of broad social, political, economic, and environmental * trends and explained the causes of the driving forces were including war, * globalization, urbanization, and changing cultural norms regarding social roles and * responsibilities (Ross-Sheriff, 2011). With these complex trends of migration * patterns, Van Hear (2010) viewed migration as a process which was an integral part * of broader social transformations, but which also had its own internal dynamics with * other factors related to the migrating process, shaping social transformation in their * own way. Migration was also linked in complex ways to class, gender, generation, * ethnicity and other social factors, which were embodied in positions in home and host * communities, and in work and domestic relationships, all of which might be * transformed in the course of the migratory process (Van Hear, 2010). To understand this complex process of migration, especially under changing circumstances of one culture to another, it might be useful to build conceptual tools for understanding these transitory processes in migration studies and in social science more widely (Van hear, 2010). They also include mediating agents and transitions that need also to be accounted for, as well as intersections among class, gender, generation, ethnicity and other social ruptures as well as the main driving forces of migration (Van Hear, 2010). Of course there were other important concepts such as relations between time and space, between dynamics or processes and outcomes, and between structure and agency that needed to get attention (Van Hear, 2010). However, it is impossible to discuss all different theoretical concepts involved in different types of migration process in the current limited study. Rather, this study tried to focus on psychological impacts such as ethnic identity and self-esteem on migration through acculturation processes particularly on family- related migration because different patterns of migration produced different communities and resulted in producing different migrant identities including varying levels of psychological distress (Jones, 2008). Further, few empirical studies have focused on migrant adults populations. Most migrants identification related literatures tended to relate more for adolescents or young children because identity formation might be particularly challenging in this cohort, especially when the values and beliefs of their natal culture differed significantly from those of the host society (Sodowsky, Kwan, Pannu, 1995; as cited in Farver, Narang, Bhadha, 2002). Therefore, this study focused on ethnic identity and self-identification issues of adult migrants’ themselves within a family structure according to different theoretical models relevant to adaptation of new cultures, because family was the basic instrument in the society (Nesdale, Rooney, Smith, 1997). In fact, most cultural acquisition theories developed and evolved in 1990s. when international migration became a key issue in international politics at the beginning of 1990s. As Castle (2002) argued that migration, development and international relations were closely connected as migration was a major factor of transformation for both sending and receiving countries for different types of migrants (Castle, 2002). With this perspective, this study generally focused on those migration culture acquisition theories developed in 1990 rather then looking at current perspectives in the most recent literatures, which actually have evolved from these original theories in 1990s (Castle, 2002). As the findings from these research studies has had been mixed or sometimes contradictory, it was important to understand the exact nature of the relationship between migrant ethnic identification and the acculturation process both need to be specified and assessed properly with coherent measurements and theoretical assumptions (Nesdale et al. , 1997). Important theoretical concepts: ethnic identity, acculturation, biculturism, and marginalisation. According to Phinney (1990; as cited in Farver, Narang Bhadha., 2002), ethnic identity and acculturation were related but separate constructs. Ethnic identity involves an individual’s self-identification as a group member, a sense of belonging to an ethnic group, attitudes toward ethnic group of membership, and degree of ethnic group involvement (Farver et al. , 2002). The term acculturation was defined in anthropology as those phenomena, which resulted when groups of individuals having different cultures came into continuous first-hand contact with subsequent changes in the original pattern of either or both groups (Redfield, Linton, Herskovits, 1936; as cited in Birman, 1994). Although acculturation was a neutral term in this context (that is, change might take place in either or both groups), in practice, acculturation tended to induce more changes in one of the groups than in the other (Berry, 1990a; as cited in Berry, 1997) Berry (1997) argued that in all plural societies, cultural groups and their individual members, in both dominant and non-dominant situations, must deal with the issue of how to acculturate. According to Berry (1997), four acculturation strategies were introduced: assimilation, separation, marginalization, and integration. When individuals do not wish to maintain their cultural identity and seek daily interaction with other new cultures, the assimilation strategy is defined. In contrast, when individuals place a value on holding on to their original culture, and at the same time wish to avoid interaction with others, then the separation is defined (Berry, 1997). When there is an interest in both maintaining one’s original culture, while in daily interactions with other groups, integration is the option; here, there is some degree of cultural integrity maintained, while at the same time seeking to participate as an integral part of the larger social network (Berry, 1997). Last, when there is little possibility or interest in cultural maintenance (often for reasons of enforced cultural loss), and little interest in having relations with others (often for reasons of exclusion or discrimination) then marginalization is defined (Berry, 1997). However, this acculturation categories model has been criticized methodologically (Rudmin, 2003, 2009; as cited in Schwartz et al. , 2010) because all four of Berry’s categories were represented in the same way by creating the two by two matrix of acculturation categories between high and low. However, the cut off point between high and low was arbitrary and would differ across samples, making comparisons across studies difficult, resulting in the fact that all four categories existed and were equally valid (Rudmin, 2003; as cited in Schwartz et al., 2010) and suggesting that not all of Berry’s categories might exist in a given sample or population, and that some categories might have multiple subtypes (Schwartz et al. , 2010). In particular, Berry (1997) viewed the term â€Å"biculturism† as referring to acculturation that involved the individual simultaneously in the two cultures that were in contact in integrative ways, which appeared to be a consistent predictor of more positive outcomes than the three alternatives of assimilation, separation, or marginalization. Berry and his colleagues (Sam Berry, 1995) assessed the acculturation strategies of various immigrant groups in North America and the results showed that bicultural individuals experienced less acculturative stress, anxiety and fewer psychological problems significantly, while marginalized individuals suffered the most psychological distress, including problems with self-identification and cultural alienation, which adversely affected their self-esteem (Farver et al. , 2002). However, Shiraev and Levy (2007) explained acculturative stress as a negative feeling that a marginalized person might experience as a distressing psychological reaction to any unfamiliar cultural environment based on the assumption that person and groups undergoing any social and cultural change should experience a certain amount of psychological distress. Generally, many early definitions of acculturation focused on exposure to two cultures simultaneously as a culture shock, which was a reactive state of specific pathology or deficit, rather than taking advantage of being bicultural (Berry Annis, 1974; Shiraev et al., 2007). The validity of marginalization as an approach to acculturation by Berry (1997) was also questioned (Del Pilar Udasco, 2004; as cited in Schwartz et al. , 2010). Schawartz et al. argued that the likelihood that a person would develop a cultural sense of self without drawing on either the heritage or receiving cultural contexts would be less likely to. The marginalization approach might be true only for the small segment of migrants who rejected both their heritage and receiving cultures (Berry, 2006b). Indeed, studies using empirically based clustering methods have found small or nonexistent marginalization groups and scales that attempted to measure marginalization typically had poor reliability and validity compared with scales for the other categories (Cuellar, Arnold, Maldonado, 1995; Unger et al. , 2002; as cited in Schwartz et al. , 2010). As described earlier, the impact of migrant ethnic identity on psychological distress had comparatively diverse points of views if they were either negative or positive reactions, depending on different theoretical frames. For example, Social Identity Theory (Tajfel Turner, 2001) and Self-Categorization Theory (Turner, 1987) emphasized more on the importance to individuals of their identification with particular social groups. Social Identity Theory (Tajfel Turner, 2001; as cited in Yip, Gee, Takeuchi, 2008) viewed a possible explanation for why ethnic identity might buffer the effects of discrimination. According to this theory,individuals chose from an array of possible social identity groups and, once those groups were chosen, individuals focused on the positive aspects of their in-group, which helped to boost their own esteem, suggesting that ethnic identity was more important to their overall identity (Yip et al. , 2009). In contrast, if ethnicity was a central component of ones identity, it might actually exacerbate the effects of discrimination, resulting in a greater negative impact on mental health, according to self-categorization theory (Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, Wetherell, 1987; as cited in Yip et al., 2008), suggesting that people should be more in tune with environmental cues that were relevant to an important aspect of their identity. That is, experiences of racial discrimination might be such a cue relevant to their ethnic identity. Indeed, research suggested that African American adults and adolescents who reported strong racial centrality were also more likely to report experiences of racial discrimination (Neblett, Shelton, Sellers, 2004; Sellers, Caldwell, Schmeelk-Cone, Zimmerman, 2003; Sellers Shelton, 2003; as cited in Yip et al., 2008). However, despite this emphasis by social theorists, they tended to forget the larger literature that involved with both ethnicity and the acculturation process (Liebkind, 1993; 1996; as cited in Nesdale, Rooney Smith, 1997). First of all, these different findings resulted from lack of inclusion of acculturation itself as a variable methodologically when acculturation was considered as a phenomenon in research designs (Sam and Berry, 2006). Without including acculturation as a variable, the explanations for human behavior similarities and differences across populations would remain incomplete (Sam et al. , 2006). Second, a further criticism of the acculturation literatures was that the same two acculturation processes, and the same four-acculturation categories, characterized all migrants equally—regardless of the type of migrant, the countries of origin and settlement, and the ethnic group in question, according to Berry’s (1980) model and other similar approaches (Sam et al., 2006). Finally, the vast majority of studies in the acculturation literature have focused on behavioral acculturation (Schwartz et al. , 2010). That is, most widely used acculturation measures included primarily (or only) items assessing language use and other cultural practices (e. g. , Cuellar, Arnold, Maldonado, 1995; Stephenson, 2000; Szapocznik, Kurtines, Fernandez, 1980; as cited in Schwartz et al. , 2010) due to accepting the fact that cultural practices might provide only a fair proxy for cultural adaptation (Schwartz et al., 2010). Theoretical frameworks for acculturation research Shiraev Levy (2007) claimed that cross-cultural psychologists usually used three approaches to examine human activities in various cultural settings. They were the sociobiological approach, the sociological approach and eco-cultural approach (Shiraev et al. , 2007). In particular, the eco-cultural approach emphasized both the environment and the individual were seen as open and interchanging systems (Shiraev et al., 2007), introducing John Berry whom originally developed this theory further in contemporary cross-cultural psychology. Shiraev et al. (2007) also pointed out that specialists should to be able to explain how, why, and to what extent people differed from one another, when ecological, biological, cultural, and acculturation factors were identified and taken into consideration (Berry, J. W. , Poortinga, Y. H. , Segall, M. H. , Dasen. P. R. ,1992; as cited in Shiraev et al. , 2007). In related to the concerns pointed by Shiraev et al. (2007), Berry (1997) argued earlier there were important links between cultural context and individual behavioural development, demonstrating what happened to individuals who developed in one cultural context when attempting to re-establish their lives in another one through his acculturation research framework, by confirming the fact that acculturation was one of the most complex areas of research in cross-cultural psychology because the process involved more than one culture and in two distinct senses (Berry, 1997). According to Berry (1997), the concept of acculturation was employed to refer to the cultural changes resulting from different ethnic groups encountered, while the concepts of psychological acculturation and adaptation were employed to refer to the psychological changes and eventual outcomes that occur as a result of individuals experiencing acculturation. In another words, acculturation phenomena resulted from contact between two or more cultures and research on acculturation had to be comparative in order to understand variations in psychological outcomes that were the result of cultural variations in the two groups in contact (Berry, 1997). In particular, this framework viewed the integration model of acculturation strategies the most desirable among other strategies, considering it the same as the biculturalism model (Berry, 1997). For example, Berry and his colleagues (Berry, 1980; Berry, J. W. , Kim, U. , Power, S. , Young, M, Bujaki, M. , 1989; Berry, Kim, Minde, Mok, 1987; Sam Berry, 1995 as cited in Farver et al., 2002) Assessed the acculturation strategies of various immigrant groups in North America and the result showed that integration was the most psychologically adaptive attitude, arguing that integrated or bicultural individuals experienced less acculturative stress and anxiety and manifested fewer psychological problems than those who were marginalized, separated, or assimilated, whereas marginalized individuals suffered the most psychological distress, including problems with self-identification and cultural alienation, which also affected their self-esteem (Farver et al., 2002). However, Phinney, Cantu, and Kurtz (1997) found that American identity was associated with self-esteem only for non-Hispanic Whites, but not for other ethnic groups. These mixed results as explained above raised two issues in the acculturation literatures. First of all, cultural practices might offer only a substitute for cultural adpatations, as Portes and Rumbaut (2001 as cited in Schwartz et al., 2010) mentioned that many Asian American young adults in their sample were not proficient in their native languages, even though they still perceived their identification with their parents’ countries of origin and maintained many of their values (Schwarz et al. , 2010). Secondly, most researchers on biculturism did not sufficiently define an accurate operational definition of biculturism so that interpretation of those research results were problematic (Birman, 1994). Indeed, one finding in the United States, was that self-identification as American was markedly higher in non-Hispanic Whites than in ethnic minority groups (e. g. , Devos Banaji, 2005; as cited in Schwartz et al. , 2010) and many White Americans did not perceived themselves as members of an ethnic group (Schildkraut, 2007; as cited in Schwartz et al. , 2010). In brief, different operational definition problems of acculturation arose from different theoretical models of acculturation regarding to their assumptions (LaFromboise, Coleman, Gerton, 1993). LaFromboise et al. (1993) assumed acculturation as one of substitutes among the biculturism models. Biculturism as defined in this theory was viewed as the alternation model, which implied an individual in two culture contacts could be competent in both cultures without losing one of the cultures’ competencies in distinct cultural contexts as alternation model, whereas, fusion model meant a blended cultural identity, consisting of a synthesis of aspects of both cultures (LaFromboise et al., 1993). However, Berry’s (1997) integrating approach of biculturism differed from the bicultural model (LaFromboise et al. , 1993; as cited in Birman, 1994) and it emphasized more on the relationship between the two cultural groups based on its implicit assumption that one of two cultures were higher than the other within a single social structure (LaFromboise et al. , 1993). Benet-Martinez and colleagues found that â€Å"blended† bicultural individuals tended to report higher self-esteem and lower psychological distress than a marginal population (Chen et al. , 2008 as cited in Schwartz et al. , 2010) because the consistent availability of both cultural flows within the person’s everyday life increased the ease of activating the correct cultural schema in accordance with their environmental situations (Schwartz et al. , 2010). In contrast, Tadmor, Tetlock, and Peng (2009) argued that the bicultural model considered those marginal individuals in positive ways, when there was little interest in cultural maintenance and little interest in having relations with others, suggesting positive aspects of being a marginal person might be (1) sharing his or her condition with others of the same original culture; (2) engaging in institutional practices that were shared by other marginal people; (3) experiencing no major frustration from social expectations; and (4) still perceiving himself or herself to be a member of a group (LaFromboise et al., 1993). According to Sam and Berry (2006), many studies of how migrants coped with intercultural contacts had discrepancies in the ways in which they were operationalized and measured. As no standardized or widely accepted acculturation measures existed, it was necessary to design a clear and explicit formulation of acculturation instrument in order to assess acculturation adequately (Sam et al. , 2006). Further Sam and Berry (2006) pointed out that most empirical studies widely used a self-report type of questionnaires that had been recognized limitations such as social desirability, emphasizing obtaining divergent validation by source of information other than the respondents’ reports. Therefore, it is vital to understand each theory within its specific assumptions and not to generalize across all situations regardless of their similar findings (LaFromboise et al. , 1993). As this study discovered migrants’ acculturation processes so far within specific theoretical frameworks, literature findings in different research were mixed as to whether individuals could be highly acculturated and at the same time be strongly identified with their ethnic group (Farver, Narang, Bhadha. , 2002). These confusing problems initially evolved because of the context in which migration arrangements and their acculturation processes were fundamentally transformed and increasingly uncertain due to globalization (Landolt Da, 2005). Shiraev Levy (2007) suggested a new approach to cross-cultural psychology in the twenty-first century, which was linked to the concept of globalization. Globalization was defined as a proliferation of cross-border flow and transnational networks due to new technologies of communication and transport that allowed frequent and multi-directional streams of people, ideas and cultural symbols (Castle, 2010). Castle also argued that globalization leads to major changes in the character of international migration. In other words, the context for migrant incorporation has already changed radically and will continue to do so. The rise of multiculturalism itself rather than assimilation or biculturism is one sign of this, but is not the end of the story: new forms of identity and belonging go beyond multiculturalism (Castle, 2010). Even though there is limited empirical evidence for clear statements for globalization, there probably are highly cosmopolitan groups who feel at home everywhere such as global business and professional elites might correspond with this image. But most members of transnational communities fall between these extremes, and probably have contradictory and fluctuating identities (Castle, 2002). Conclusions This study explored that a special case of cultural psychology was the study of how individuals respond to situations where they were in transition between their original culture and another that differed from it in some respects in terms of acculturation, especially within a specific theoretical frame that could apply to the specific situation (Adler Gielen, 1994). There was no single theory widely accepted by all social scientists to agree with the emergence and perpetuation of international migration patterns in the world under globalization (Van Hear, 2010),suggesting that the contemporary migrating context in which such migrating arrangements were realized fundamentally kept transforming so that it became increasingly uncertain (Landolt and Da, 2005). Although the topic of cultural contact and individual’ change has attracted considerable attention in contemporary cross-cultural psychology, the field has been characterized by a lack of theoretical coherence, definitional problems with key constructs, and single sample studies that limit the external validity of empirical cross-cultural research (Ward and Kenney, 1994). As acculturation is a process which takes place over time, and which results in changes both in the culture and in the individual culture changes, it would be ideal o compare two sets of data are compared over time using the same people. However, in practice, it is impossible in most acculturation research settings (Sam et al. , 2006). Instead, a common alternative to longitudinal research is cross-sectional research in which a time-related variable, such as length of residence or generational status can be used for the generalizability of acculturation theories (Sam et al., 2006). In general, researchers of migrating studies need to be aware that it is the selective nature of the sample that happens across all migrating research. That is, individuals who chose to migrate would be different from those who do not (Sodowsky, G. , Kwan, K. , Pannu, R. , 1995; as cited in Farver et al. , 1997). Finally, acculturation research generally focused on immigrants assumed to be permanently settled in their new host countries. As a result, the terms â€Å"migrants† or â€Å"international migrants† referred to the same type of migrants collectively. Moreover, many countries were both sending and receiving countries for different types of migrants, or in the process of transition from one type to the other (Castel, 2002). Therefore, where applicable, it is viable to design acculturation research studies classifying different types of migrants. References Adler, L. L. , Gielen, U. P. (Eds. ). (1994). Cross-cultural topics in psychology. Westport: Praeger Publishers. Berry, J. W. 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The Impact of Societal and Economic Changes upon the Family Essay

  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Family and society have come across many changes during our history. Every change that occurred has affected what many people would call the "Benchmark Family" (Scanzoni #7). This is considered the perfect family or the norm. The Family would consist of the husband that is the breadwinner and the wife who is responsible for raising the children, and taking care of the home (Scanzoni #4). Society has changed dramatically from the 19th century. These changes in turn have affected Family. Many factors through the years have been responsible for these changes. Feminism is a tremendous factor that is still having its effect on family and society today. Another factor is employment. Women in the workplace have changed family structure over the years. Sex is also a factor that changed family and society in many ways. I will explore these factors and show what effect they have on family.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Feminism impacted family in a tremendous way. In the "Jacksonian Era" the notion was that men had divine right to rule over women (Scanzoni #104). People believed that men had certain characteristics that enabled them to be better outside the home, for the purpose of supporting his family. Women were believed to be fragile and over sensitive for the harsh workplace (Scanzoni #104). Society also had certain rules that had to be followed by the public to keep society stable. These rules were mainly developed through the bible and religious institutions. During the 19th century religion was an important part of peoples lives. Religion basically dictated to the people what was right and wrong. Religion was very influential during this period. A person believed, what the church said about how they should live was what god wanted and dictated in the Bible (Scanzoni #103). For many years people lived their lives the way the church wanted them too.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Then the start of Feminism occurred, women began to say "God sees the genders as equals" according to the Bible (Scanzoni#107). Women started to raise questions about different issues in regards to equal treatment. This is when family change started. Men were happy with societies take on women. Men did not want any change to occur. Men felt everything was the way it was suppose to be. Women started to become more involved in other aspects of life besides homemaking. Women wanted what was initialed to them, which was equal... ...out the working family than it does today.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The 1950s seem to have less life threatening diseases. For one thing AIDS was not an issue. I know there were diseases but not to an epidemic levels as AIDS. Cancer was not as wide spread as today. It also seems to me people had more respect for the land. People did not litter, and appreciated where they lived more than today. People were also friendlier to each other. People just got along better with their neighbors.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Some may say that the 1950s were more strict and oppressed than today. It was, but it kept society stable and crime down. There has to be some sort of rules, whether they are societal rules or law. This is what keeps a stable environment. Of course you can never please everybody, and it is of opinion what is the best time in our history. I just feel that things were less problematic during the 1950s era. Works Cited: Scanzoni, John Contemporary Families and Relationships: Reinventing Responsibility New York: McGraw Hill, 1995 P# 4, 7, 102, 103, 104, 107, 111, 114, 120, 123, 130, 132, 139 Skolnick, Arlene, Jerome H. Skolnick Family In Transition: Ten Edition New York: Addison , 1999 P# 21, 44, 51

“If I Had A Choice” By Walt Whitan Essay

Wave resemblance in Walt Whitman’s â€Å"If I Had the Choice† Although not rhythmically or metrically consistent throughout, Walt Whitman’s poem â€Å"If I Had the Choice† is very consistent in its attempt to resemble the characteristics, specifically the waves, of the sea; whether read, heard, or seen, the poem’s adaptation to a wave’s nature is clearly evident. Whitman’s use of repeated, but not uniform, rhythm in the poem exposes the â€Å"up and down† nature of waves, while the sudden, drastic change in rhythm helps depict the crashing of a wave. The metrical variation in the poem similarly attributes to the resemblance of a wave, for it goes hand in hand with the length of each line, giving the poem the physical characteristics of a wave. While the there is no metrical consistency throughout the poem (probably done because no two waves are identically alike), there is a noticeable pattern and consistency in the rhythm of the poem. The consecutive use of iambs in the first five lines of the poem help to not only emphasize the steady motion of the sea, but more importantly to give the poem a sense of the â€Å"up and down† motion of the waves in the sea; the pattern of unstressed/stressed/unstressed/stressed syllables in every line is very similar to the up and down undulation of a wave. The shift from the iambic rhythm in lines one through five to a â€Å"loud,† sudden spondee in line six clearly depicts the image of a wave crashing. The spondaic rhythm (stress/stress) of the first two words in line six, â€Å"These, these,† is an unexpected, drastic change from the prior unstressed/stressed pattern. Similar to the crashing of a wave, this change was drastic, and quick; it does not last long, hence the reason for the poem’s quick return to an iambic rhythm. The poem’s last three lines are once again consistently iambic; they are back to the quiet, pacific motion of waves in the sea. Just as the height of a wave affects the power of a wave, the meter of this poem affects it’s rhythm. Although there is no specific pattern for the number of feet per line in this poem, the meter is still greatly significant. When broken up iambically, the number of feet increase steadily from line one to four, until we reach line five, the longest (10 feet) line. The length of line five is significantly important in portraying the nature of waves; it is representative of the amplitude of a wave before it is about  to crash. Line five is ten feet long because it is followed by line six, the line in which there was a sudden rhythmical change, which portrayed the crashing of the wave. Once it crashes, the waves return to their prior size, just as the following lines of the poem go back to having the same range of feet as they did before line five. The alternating number of feet per line also allow the poem’s structure to resemble a wave; no two waves are similar in frequency (height) or amplitude (width), just as no two sentences of this poem are identical in length. As the lines approach the middle of the poem, they get longer, and then begin decreasing in size after they reached the longest point, line five. Since line five, the middle of the poem, is the longest line, when held sideways, this line is representative of the middle of a wave, it’s highest point right before it crashes. By using rhythm and meter skillfully, this poem is successful in imitating the rhythm of the sea, and the â€Å"meter† of the waves in the sea. In doing this, Whitman makes a very distinctive point; rhythm and meter affect each other, just as the height of a wave affects it’s crash. This relationship is evident whether one reads, sees or hears this poem.

How And Why Some Conduct Is Considered Unlawful - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 4 Words: 1154 Downloads: 3 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Law Essay Type Narrative essay Did you like this example? In order to understand unlawful conduct it is important to know the differences between civil and criminal law and fault. Factors which influence why conduct is considered unlawful and how conduct is labelled as unlawful will be looked at in depth in following paragraphs. For the purpose of this essay unlawful conduct may be defined as any conduct that is forbidden by law. There are fundamental distinctions between civil and criminal law. In civil law a private party, known as the claimant, initiates the lawsuit and remedies available rarely end up with incarceration. The remedy, if the claimant is successful on his or her litigation usually involves payment of compensation, also known as damages by the defendant. The burden of proof in civil law normally rests with the claimant. The standard of proof is based on the balance of probabilities, meaning there must be greater than a fifty per cent chance in either the claimants or the defendants evidence. This is a lso known as the preponderance of evidence. In criminal law a range of sanctions are at the disposal of the state ranging from community punishment through to incarceration. The lawsuit in criminal proceedings is initiated by the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) on behalf of the state. The burden of proof lies with the state, with the defendant being innocent until proved guilty. This presumption of innocence is based on the legal inference that most people are not criminals. The standard of proof is beyond reasonable doubt. Whilst it is difficult to quantify this term, the prosecution must establish that there must be no reasonable doubt in the mind of a reasonable person that the defendant is guilty. This higher standard of proof is required due to the more severe nature of sanctions that may be applied. Fault in civil proceedings was generally established through the tort of negligence in Donoghue v Stevenson [1932] AC 562 and was summarised by Lord Atkin who stated that you must take reasonable care to avoid acts or omissions which you can reasonably foresee would be likely to injure your neighbour. In establishing liability for fault in criminal wrongs, two basic elements are needed to establish liability. The Actus Reus, a Latin phrase literally meaning the guilty act by which the defendants conduct must be shown to be a voluntary and wrongful act or omission that constitutes the physical components of a crime. The second element is known as the Mens Rea, the Latin term for guilty mind, which establishes the state of mind of the defendant in relation to the act. Both of these elements must be proved to establish criminal liability. There are certain factors which influence why conduct is considered unlawful. Over time technological developments take place which the law may not have considered previously. Legislation is then enacted in response to these technological advances. The Digital Economy Act 2010 was enacted to protect online infringem ent of copyright and also updates the Communications Act 2003 and the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 amongst its provisions. This Act was introduced primarily to halt losses from internet piracy. Changes in the moral and social climate may also occur over the years. Prior to 1967, homosexual activity was illegal in England and Wales. The introduction of the Sexual Offences Act 1967 decriminalised private sexual acts between men aged 21 years or older in England and Wales. This was in direct response to changing societal attitudes to homosexuality. Protection of individuals and society from harm may also invoke legislative change. Prior to 1973 it was legal to ride a motorcycle without a crash helmet. Numerous studies have suggested that the compulsory wearing of a crash helmet reduces the chances of a traumatic brain injury. The Road Traffic Act 1972 Section 32 addressed this safety concern by introducing compulsory wearing of protective headgear for motor cyclists. Some conduct is considered unlawful due to economic reasons. Legislative change may occur on a yearly basis with the presentation of the budget in Parliament in relation to spending, taxation and duty. After presentation the budget is debated and the respective years Finance Act is passed. Current legislation is in the form of the Finance Act 2009. Enforceability of the law must also be considered. Whilst legislative change may be introduced to change antisocial behaviour, in certain instances it may contradict other forms of legislation and may be deemed as oppressive and overbearing. Current methodology to label conduct as unlawful may be introduced by law reform. Parliament may create a new Act, reacting to public and media concern creating or amending an offence. The Animal Health Act 2002 was created in response to the foot and mouth outbreak in 2001 and gives a greater ability to deal with animal disease outbreaks. The judiciary also play a role in law reform throug h statutory interpretation. This is evident in the case of R v R [1992] 1 AC 599, whereby the House of Lords removed a long standing misconception and gave true meaning and effect to the law overruling previous decisions that refused to recognise spousal rape. The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) also influences law reform. In the case of S and Marper v UK (Application nos 30562/04 and 30566/04) the Grand Chamber ruled that indefinite retention of DNA samples for unconvicted persons was a violation of Article 8 of the Human Rights Act 1998. This decision has highlighted a need for Parliament to change domestic law. The Law Commission is an independent body established in 1965 whose role is to research areas of law that have been criticised and propose legislative change via a consultation paper. An example of the Law Commissions influence in law reform was the introduction of Law Reform (Year and a Day Rule) Act 1996 abolishing the common law principle that a death was co nclusively presumed not to be murder if it occurred more than a year and a day since the causative act or omission. Advisory Committees ensure improvements are made in the law. These may be the Criminal Law Revision Committee or Royal Commissions which were instrumental in the introduction of the Theft Act 1968 and the Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 respectively. Green and White Papers outline proposals for legislative change and are open to public consultation. Green Papers may contain alternative policy options inviting public comment whilst White Papers are more detailed. In summary, distinctions exist between civil and criminal unlawful conduct. Unlawful conduct has differing burdens and standards of proof. Fault liability and available sanctions differ, dependant on whether the unlawful conduct was of a civil or criminal nature. The reasons why conduct becomes unlawful is due to influences from factors such as technological developments, social change, protectio n of individuals and society from harm, economic reasons and law enforceability. The rationale as to how conduct may be labelled unlawful is influenced through law reform. This is primarily driven by Parliament, the judiciary, ECHR, the Law Commission, Advisory Committees and Green and White Papers which endeavour to keep the law both relevant and contemporary in modern society. (1196 Words)Â  [1] Don’t waste time! 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